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f  LIBRARY  ^ 

I      UNJVERSITY  OF 

I      8AN0U 


CAUFORNIA 

iEGO 


GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 


GOVERNMENT 

FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

JOHN  C.  TEN  EYCK,  A.  M. 

MEMBER   OF'THE  NEW   YORK  BAR 


NEW  YORK 

MOFFAT,  YARD  AND  COMPANY 

1907 


Copyright,  1907 

BY 
MOFFAT,  YARD  AND   COMPANY 

New  York 

Published  Shptember,  1907 

all  rights  reserveo 


GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE   PEOPLE 


CONTENTS 


I.     EXISTING   POLITICAL   EVILS 7 


II.     REMEDIES 27 


III.     METHODS 47 


GoJ>ernment  for  the  People 
I 

EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS 

IT  seems  to  the  writer  of  this  paper 
that  the  statements  contained  in  it 
must  be  familiar  and  the  conclu- 
sions reached  in  it  must  be  obvious  to 
all  who  have  given  serious  thought  to 
the  subject  of  popular  government. 
The  position  of  many  good  men  shows, 
however,  that  this  is  not  the  case. 

Almost  all  citizens  in  this  country 
vote,  but  only  a  few  of  them  are  active 
in  politics.  If  the  average  citizen  should 
ask  at  random  twenty  men  of  his  per- 
sonal acquaintance  whether  they  are 
active  politicians,  the  chances  are  that  to 
a  man  they  would  reply  in  the  negative. 

Nearly  all  professional  men,  manu- 
facturers and  tradesmen,  and  the  ma- 


S         GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

jority  of  artisans  and  laborers,  take 
satisfaction  in  stating  that  they  attend 
to  their  own  affairs  and  leave  politics  to 
the  politicians. 

It  follows  that  the  active  conduct  of 
public  matters  is  left  in  the  hands  of 
those  who  remain,  when  nearly  all  pro- 
fessional and  business  men,  artisans  and 
laborers  are  left  out. 

It  is  worth  while  to  attempt  to  define 
the  elements  that  make  up  this  remain- 
ing active  class,  to  describe  its  methods 
of  procedure,  and  to  estimate  the  extent 
of  its  powers  and  the  existing  limitations 
upon  the  exercise  of  its  powers.  It  is 
also  worth  while  to  consider  the  evils 
that  result  from  the  predominance  of  a 
small  political  class  and  to  suggest,  if 
possible,  remedies  for  these  evils. 

An  accurate  description  of  the  makeup 
of  the  group  of  active  politicians  in  each 
community  may  be  impossible,  but  it 
may  be  said  in  general  terms  that  this 
group  includes  those  who  depend  upon 
office  holding  for  a  living.     In  addition. 


EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS  9 

it  includes  a  comparatively  small  number 
of  men — a  small  percentage  of  profes- 
sional and  business  men,  a  larger  per- 
centage of  artisans  and  laborers — whose 
sole  reason  for  political  activity  is  their 
w^ish  to  forward  the  general  welfare. 
It  includes  almost  all  men  who  want 
special  favors  from  the  government;  all 
who  desire  to  obtain  public  contracts 
or  patronage;  and  all  who  seek  the 
adoption  of  policies  beneficial  to  their 
private  interests;  and  it  embraces  most 
men,  whatever  their  station  in  life  may 
be,  who  need  protection  in  prosecuting 
questionable  enterprises  or  who  seek 
immunity  from  punishment.  Of  such 
elements  is  our  governing  class  com- 
pounded. 

No  doubt  both  active  politicians  and 
other  citizens  are,  for  the  most  part, 
sincerely  desirous  of  the  public  good. 
Our  history,  education  and  institutions 
are  such  as  to  make  patriotism  common, 
but  those  who  are  active  in  politics  are, 
for   the   most   part,    set   going  or   kept 


lo       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

going  In  this  business  because  it  is  to 
their  special  interest  to  attend  to  it. 
They  generally  desire  that  government 
shall  be  well  administered;  but  they 
also  wish  that  it  shall  be  administered 
in  such  manner  and  by  such  persons 
that  its  administration  shall  inure  to 
their  special  advantage. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  great  body 
of  citizens  who  are  inactive  in  politics 
neglect  their  political  duties  because 
they  have  other  things  to  attend  to. 
Most  of  them  are  too  busy  in  the  pursuit 
of  wealth  or  pleasure  to  trouble  them- 
selves much  about  public  affairs.  They 
desire  good  government,  but  they 
care  less  for  it  than  they  do  for  private 
advantage.  They  insist  that  govern- 
ment shall  be  well  administered;  but 
they  desire  its  administration  to  be 
carried  on  without  inconvenience  to 
them  and  without  interfering  with  the 
realization  of  their  private  aims.  Some 
of  them  would  doubtless  be  willing, 
from  time  to  time,  to  subordinate  their 


EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS  ii 

private  interests  to  the  public  good,  if 
they  realized  the  need  or  saw  the  advan- 
tage of  doing  so.  These  men  frequently 
rely  on  what  are  termed  "American 
Institutions"  for  their  salvation,  and 
seem  not  to  realize  that,  if  the  people 
would  govern,  they  must  not  only  vote 
but  must  select  candidates  to  be  voted 
for. 

A  consideration  of  the  comparative 
merits  or  demerits  of  the  active  and  inac- 
tive groups  of  citizens  above  mentioned 
should  only  be  undertaken,  if  at  all,  to 
show  the  right  line  of  conduct  in  public 
matters.  For  this  purpose,  solely,  it  may 
be  permissible  to  say  that  if  a  man  love 
much  his  wife,  his  family,  his  home,  his 
country,  or  anything  else,  he  will  often 
think  of  the  object  of  his  love;  he  will 
keep  it  always  in  his  heart,  and  will,  at 
least  occasionally,  put  aside  all  other 
things  in  order  to  work  for  the  good  of 
that  which  he  ardently  loves. 

If  today  some  Diogenes  should  light 
his    candle    and    set    about    finding    a 


13       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

patriotic  man,  he  would  be  more  apt  to 
discover  him  among  those  who  are 
actively  concerned  in  pubHc  affairs  than 
among  those  who  do  nothing  in  this 
business. 

As  far  as  voting  goes,  but  few  citizens 
neglect  their  duty.  Many  of  those  who 
must  be  classified  as  mactive  politicians 
even  take  part  in  primary  elections,  but 
those  whom  they  vote  for,  both  at  the 
primaries  and  on  election  day,  are,  for 
the  most  part,  selected  by  active  poli- 
ticians. 

In  order  to  see  how  this  is  done,  and 
to  estimate  the  effect  of  its  being  done 
and  to  devise  a  remedy  for  the  evils  that 
it  causes,  some  understanding  of  political 
organization  is  requisite. 

The  normal  makeup  of  each  party 
in  an  American  community  is  an  organi- 
zation or  machine  in  control,  having 
leaders,  or  more  generally  a  leader,  and 
opposed  by  a  minority  or  opposition. 

The  essence  of  an  organization  is 
that,  through  influence  over  active  party 


EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS  13 

men,  it  controls  primaries,  and  has  there- 
by the  power  to  determine  the  poHcies 
and  select  the  personal  factors  of  govern- 
ment. If  this  power  be  lost,  the  opposi- 
tion becomes  the  organization  unless, 
as  is  sometimes  the  case,  a  period  of 
disorder  ensues  at  the  end  of  which  a 
new  organization  is  formed. 

The  most  important  element  of  an 
organization  is  that  group  of  active 
politicians  who  have  a  positive  influence 
in  determining  its  policy.  After  these 
come  those  partisans  who  vote  with  the 
organization  at  the  primaries. 

Corresponding  to  the  organization, 
but  less  clearly  defined  in  structure  and 
methods,  is  the  opposition.  The  object 
of  the  opposition  is  to  obtain  the  power 
to  nominate  and  thus  become  the  organi- 
zation. 

Back  of  both  organization  and  oppo- 
sition are  the  great  body  of  partisans 
who  take  little  if  any  interest  in  party 
matters  except  to  vote  the  party  ticket 
on   election   day.      Beyond    the   line   of 


14       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

party  activity  altogether  come  the  inde- 
pendent voters. 

The  organization  is  that  group  of 
politicians  which  chiefly  merits  con- 
sideration because  the  opposition  and 
the  independents  perform  chiefly  nega- 
tive functions,  unless  they  acquire  con- 
trol of  the  primaries  and  become  sub- 
stantially the  organization. 

The  best  time  for  considering  the 
organization's  w^ork  is  that  period  of 
the  year  when  candidates  must  be 
selected  to  be  supported  by  the  organi- 
zation at  the  primaries.  It  is  clear  that, 
if  the  organization  is  to  retain  its  power, 
its  most  active  and  influential  members 
must  select  nominees  who  will  win  at  the 
primaries.  Ability  to  win  at  the  pri- 
maries is  the  first  qualification  for  a 
candidate  and,  if  he  cannot  stand  this 
test,  he  need  not  be  considered  because, 
if  rejected  at  the  primary,  the  organiza- 
tion will  have  injured  both  itself  and 
him  by  putting  him  up  for  nomination. 

In  order  to  select  men  who  will  win 


EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS  15 

at  the  primary,  the  desires  of  those 
forces  in  the  locality  concerned,  that 
actively  participate  in  party  politics, 
the  principal  elements  of  which  have 
been  already  defined,  must  be  accu- 
rately gauged.  The  leader,  if  there  be  a 
leader,  may  call  a  caucus  but,  whether 
he  does  so  or  not,  the  considerations 
that  will  control  the  choice  of  candidates 
are  the  same.  Whether  a  caucus  be 
held  or  not,  every  group  of  electors  that 
is  active  in  party  life  and  has  organized 
itself  and  become  coherent  and,  by  its 
activity  and  coherence,  has  become 
powerful  to  effect  the  result  of  the  pri- 
maries, must  receive  respectful  atten- 
tion, and  will  have  an  affirmative  influ- 
ence in  determining  the  selection  of 
candidates. 

All  citizens,  on  the  other  hand,  who 
have  withdrawn  from  active  party  life, 
retain  a  negative  influence  solely,  an 
influence  that  can  seldom  accomplish 
more  than  to  determine  the  choice 
between  two  or  more  candidates,  either 


i6       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

of  whom   is   satisfactory   to   the   active 
party  forces. 

It  is  possible  that  a  few  men  represent- 
ing only  the  general  desire  of  the  public 
for  good  government,  and  no  special 
interest,  may  be  consulted  about  the 
choice  of  candidates;  if  so,  they  are 
consulted  rather  as  unaccredited  envoys 
from  an  allied  state,  whose  good  will  is 
desired,  than  as  delegates  from  a  feder- 
ated power  entitled  to  representation; 
for  that  body  of  citizens  whose  views 
they  might  represent  if  it  had  knowledge 
of  party  affairs  so  as  to  form  a  policy, 
interest  and  courage  to  propose  a  policy, 
and  cohesion  and  spirit  to  support  it  at 
the  primaries,  sleeps,  or  if  awake  con- 
fines its  efforts  to  denouncing  the  acts  of 
others  and  threatening  them  with  pun- 
ishment. 

The  conference,  if  an  actual  confer- 
ence be  called,  proceeds  to  business; 
deliberates,  discusses,  decides,  rises. 
The  most  important  party  act  of  the 
year    has    been    performed,    and    every 


EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS  17 

element  in  society  has  had  an  affirma- 
tive influence  upon  the  result  achieved 
except  that  element  v^hich  represents 
public  spirited  desire  for  good  govern- 
ment, independent  of  personal  advan- 
tage. 

It  must  of  course  be  admitted  that  the 
desires  of  public  spirited  citizens  are 
not  ignored;  perhaps  the  leader's  most 
important  and  common  service  to  the 
community  is  to  remind  his  follow^ers 
that  they  cannot  have  everything  their 
own  WRy,  and  that  a  certain  deference 
to  the  wishes  of  those  who  desire  only 
the  general  welfare  must  be  exercised 
or  the  party  will  meet  with  defeat  at  the 
polls.  Inasmuch  as  the  safest  policy 
for  the  leader  to  pursue  is  to  recognize 
the  wishes  of  public  spirited  citizens, 
his  influence,  through  policy,  if  for  no 
other  reason,  is  likely  to  be  thrown  on 
their  side. 

In  addition  to  this,  there  are  many 
considerations  that  make  it  probable 
that  in  most  cases  he  wishes  good  gov- 


i8       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

ernment;  but  whether  this  be  so  or  not, 
it  is  necessary  for  him  to  recognize, 
up  to  the  danger  point,  the  wishes  of  the 
active  forces  in  the  party,  in  order  to 
control  the  primary. 

The  foregoing  illustration  of  the 
methods  and  results  of  organization 
politics,  in  the  selection  of  candidates 
for  office,  applies  not  only  to  the  selec- 
tion of  local  candidates,  but,  inasmuch 
as  local  organizations  select  delegates 
to  conventions  held  to  nominate  county, 
state  and  national  officers,  it  is  equally 
applicable  to  the  entire  field  of  Amer- 
ican politics. 

The  great  mass  of  American  citizens 
whose  political  ideals  are  untinged  by 
selfish  interests  retain  initiative  in  no 
political  field,  and  this  condition  of 
affairs  arises  solely  from  their  failure 
to  perform  their  political  duty.  As 
long  as  primary  and  election  laws  are 
square  (and  no  complaint  has  been 
made  of  their  unfairness)  there  can  be 
no  usurpation  of  power  by  a  minority. 


EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS  19 

If  a  minority  of  our  people  monopolize 
the  privilege  of  selecting  candidates, 
it  is  because  the  majority  neglect  or 
refuse  to  do  what  must  be  done  in  order 
to  participate  in  the  enjoyment  of  this 
privilege. 

The  purpose  of  this  writing  is  not  to 
assess  the  political  morality  of  either 
those  who  are  active  or  those  who  are 
inactive  in  political  life. 

A  certain  decree  of  selfishness  is  in- 
cidental  to  the  fight  for  life.  It  has 
marked  the  periods  of  the  world's  great- 
est progress,  and  will  undoubtedly  con- 
tinue to  influence  men  whether  engaged 
in  business,  in  politics,  or  in  any  other 
field  of  human  effort. 

We  are  in  no  position  to  criticise 
those  who  come  up  to  theaverage  stand- 
ard in  this  regard. 

What  we  are  concerned  with,  are  the 
acts  of  active  politicians,  and  the  omis- 
sions of  others,  and  the  effect  of  these 
acts  and  omissions.  Moreover,  it  is 
probable    that   many    of    the    inactive, 


20       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

being  desirous  of  the  public  good,  would 
take  more  interest  in  politics,  if  they 
realized  that  the  sure  result  of  their  in- 
activity, taken  in  connection  with  the 
inactivity  of  the  majority  of  their  fel- 
low citizens,  is  to  turn  over  the  control 
of  public  matters  to  men  whose  conduct 
of  them  is  directed  or  influenced  by 
selfish  interest.  It  is  equally  probable 
that  most  political  leaders  would 
pursue  the  general  welfare  in  many 
instances  where  they  are  turned  from 
its  pursuit  by  the  wishes  of  their  active 
supporters  if  they  did  not  know  that 
they  can  accomplish  no  good  by  so 
doing  and  that  its  pursuit  in  existing 
political  conditions  would  only  result  in 
transferring  their  power  to  less  scrupu- 
lous leaders. 

The  loss  of  direct  party  influence  by 
the  majority  of  our  citizens  has  not, 
it  need  hardly  be  said,  been  the  result 
of  concerted  action  on  their  part,  and 
it  is  probable  that  but  few  of  them  are 
willing  to  assume  any  share  of  respon- 


EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS  21 

sibility  in  the  premises.  Little  as  they 
may  prize  such  Hmited  pohtical  oppor- 
tunities as  are  reserved  to  citizens  in 
a  representative  government,  when  the 
effect  of  neglecting  these  opportunities 
comes  to  their  attention  they  are  em- 
phatic in  their  protests;  and,  although 
they  have  no  right  to  complain,  it  must 
be  a  matter  of  general  concern  that  most 
citizens  v^ho  are  solely  desirous  of  good 
government  retain  little  if  any  initiative 
in  party  matters. 

Very  naturally  they  seek  to  be- 
stow responsibility  for  their  condition 
upon  others,  and  almost  invariably 
they  lay  it  at  the  door  of  the  pro- 
fessional politician  and  regard  un- 
favorably whatever  the  latter  may  do. 
They  give  but  lukewarm  support  to 
policies  adopted  by  distrusted  leaders. 
Their  state  of  mind  makes  them  easy 
prey  for  the  schemes  of  the  opposition, 
and  the  opposition  is  on  the  alert,  in 
every  locality,  to  fan  the  flame  of  dis- 
content.    It  is  not  necessary  for  the  op- 


22        GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

position  to  act  as  a  body,  nor  is  it  poli- 
tic that  its  leaders  should  call  attention 
to  their  personal  aims,  or  should  pub- 
lish their  desire  to  have  the  opposition 
usurp  the  functions  of  the  organization 
and  continue  prevailing  methods  w^ith- 
out  material  change  except  in  the  iden- 
tity of  personal  factors.  Its  policy  and 
practice  is  to  criticise  the  acts  and  meth- 
ods of  the  organization,  and  it  is  easy 
to  understand  that  its  criticisms  of 
organization  matters  are  listened  to 
v^ith  open  ears  by  citizens  w^ho  are  inac- 
tive in  political  life  and  are  by  them 
repeated  and  magnified. 

It  results  that  in  all  parts  of  the  coun- 
try the  very  men  who,  if  they  had  partici- 
pated in  party  management,  would,  by 
reason  of  their  disinterested  public  spirit, 
have  been  able  to  justify  all  proper  policies 
adopted  in  party  management,  become 
the  purveyors  of  scandal  and  of  undis- 
criminating  abuse.  It  turns  out  that 
whatever  party  has  been  in  power  in 
any  locality  in  the  country  is  the  chosen 


EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS  23 

target  for  the  invective  of  those  who, 
under  normal  conditions,  would  have 
been  its  ablest  apologists  and  defend- 
ers. Disorder  and  disorganization  pre- 
vail in  party  life. 

Nor  is  this  the  worst  to  be  said;  for 
disorganization  in  party  life  is  the  sig- 
nal for  activity  on  the  part  of  doctrin- 
aires and  discontented  politicians. 
Whatever  political  remedy  has  been 
conceived  of  as  a  substitute  for  the  hon- 
est co-operation  of  citizens  of  the  repub- 
lic in  pursuing  the  legitimate  aims  of 
governnuent  now  has  a  hearing  and  gains 
adherents.  Its  advocates  can  at  least 
say  that  it  cannot  be  worse  than  govern- 
ment so  administered  as  to  inure  to 
the  private  advantage  of  members  of 
the  political  class  although  the  public 
interest  may  suffer  by  such  adminis- 
trations. 

Moreover,  every  discredited  politi- 
cian whose  folly  or  selfishness  has  de- 
monstrated his  inability  to  take  part  in 
an  orderly  scheme  of  government  now 


24       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

sees  his  opportunity  to  rehabilitate  his 
fallen  fortunes.  With  a  surprised  hope 
of  political  preferment,  he  buckles  on 
the  armour  of  reform,  and  demands  that 
somebody  should  "go."  He  points 
with  indignation  to  the  evils  of  the 
times  and  exploits  his  own  civic  right- 
eousness by  an  unmeasured  denuncia- 
tion of  the  sinfulness  of  others  and  in 
particular  of  those  whom  he  envies. 

It  is  by  no  means  implied  that  honest 
men  are  not  today  justly  indignant  at 
dishonesty,  wherever  it  may  exist;  nor 
can  dishonesty  be  justified  by  showing 
that  those  who  are  loudest  in  denounc- 
ing it  are  largely  responsible  for  it.  It 
is,  at  the  same  time,  probable  that  there 
is  an  unusually  large  percentage  of 
hypocrites  among  the  critics  of  active 
party   men   at  this  time. 

As  a  result  of  this  condition  of  things, 
it  may  be  anticipated  that  many  political 
quacks  and  pretenders  will,  with  the  aid 
of  their  unconscious  allies  among  private 
citizens    of    the    best    type    obtain    for 


EXISTING  POLITICAL  EVILS  25 

themselves  political  preferment.  From 
day  to  day  they  are  gaining  the  con- 
fidence of  restless  masses  and  that  in 
a  period  of  world-wide  economic  un- 
rest. They  are  calling  on  those  who 
"have  not"  to  shake  off  the  lethargy 
of  ages;  to  organize  so  that  they  may 
enter  into  the  inheritance  of  those  "who 
have."  They  challenge  the  funda- 
mental axioms  of  economic  law.  They 
preach  doctrines  that  in  other  coun- 
tries threaten  economic  if  not  dynastic 
revolution.  In  the  meantime  those 
who  might  represent  sane  govern- 
mental policies  administered  in  the 
interest  of  all,  sleep,  or,  if  awake,  pass 
their  time  in  futile  discussions  or  com- 
plaints. They  plan,  perhaps,  the  over- 
throw of  some  petty  political  "Boss"; 
"they  slap  at  mosquitoes  while  the 
elephants  are  pulling  down  their 
houses," 

"The  just  punishment  of  those  who 
do  not  themselves  govern  is  to  be  illy 
governed." 


II 

REMEDIES 

VARIOUS  remedies  have  been  pro- 
posed for  the  unsatisfactory  con- 
dition and  prospects  of  party 
politics.  Some  critics  of  present  methods 
have  avowed  their  intentions  to  vote  for 
the  best  man — irrespective  of  party. 
This  v^ould  result  in  a  choice  of  offi- 
cials opposed  in  principle  to  many  of 
their  supporters  and,  if  followed  to  its 
logical  conclusion,  would  be  the  end  of 
party  government. 

Wherever  men  have  set  about  gov- 
erning themselves  parties  have  sprung 
up,  and  this  of  necessity  because  it  is 
only  by  means  of  parties  that  the 
people  can  say  what  they  want  done 
and  can  choose  between  opposing  poli- 
cies, A  Governor  or  a  President  may 
be  elected  without  a  party  platform, 
27 


28       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

but  he  will  not  know  how  his  supporters 
desire  him  to  act.  He  will  be  an  auto- 
crat with  the  time  limit.  He  may 
govern  well,  but  the  people  will  not 
govern,  for  the  people  will  not  direct 
his  policies.  If  this  kind  of  government 
be  set  up,  the  time  will  come  when  those 
who  govern  will  govern  badly,  for  the 
only  way  to  insure  that  government 
will  be  run  in  the  interest  of  the  peo- 
ple is  to  have  the  people  do  the  govern- 
ing. But  the  people  cannot  govern 
unless  they  let  their  wishes  be  known 
by  supporting  at  the  polls  a  platform 
embodying  their  policies. 

Others  propose  to  vote  for  candidates 
of  the  opposite  party,  in  local  and  state 
elections,  until  their  own  party  shall 
be  purified. 

Representatives  of  the  inactive  class 
of  party  men  who  adopt  this  expedient 
say  in  effect  to  the  politicians  of  their 
party,  "We  do  not  challenge  your  ex- 
clusive political  initiative  in  our  party, 
but  we  are  voting  for  nominees  selected 


REMEDIES  29 

on  the  exclusive  initiative  of  politicians 
of  another  party.  We  do  this  because 
we  wish  to  create  a  wholesome  fear 
in  the  minds  of  politicians  of  both 
parties,  to  the  end  that  fit  nominations 
be  made." 

It  must  be  admitted  that,  when  such 
men  speak  in  this  way,  they  exercise 
a  legitimate,  if  belated,  political  influ- 
ence. To  put  those  vested  with  polit- 
ical power  in  fear  of  loss  of  power,  if 
they  shall  make  a  bad  use  of  power, 
has  been  the  refuge  of  the  oppressed 
of  all  nations,  from  time  immemorial. 
But  democratic  government  is  founded 
so  as  to  prevent  the  existence  of  such 
power  in  a  few  as  would  call  for  this 
warning. 

The  plan  under  consideration  is 
limited  in  its  scope :  The  power  to 
select  the  agents  by  whom  government 
is  to  be  administered  carries  with  it  the 
power  of  government  itself;  and  this 
power  the  plan  leaves  with  the  active 
political  minority  that  has  been  defined. 


30       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

It  is  limited  in  the  subject  matter  to 
which  it  extends ;  for  it  can  rarely  if 
ever  be  successfully  applied  except  to 
nominate  to  high  office  prominent  men 
on  whom  the  attention  of  the  masses 
has  been  (in  some  way  not  provided 
for  by  our  political  system)  concen- 
trated. 

If  conscientious  citizens,  as  a  whole, 
shall  assume  the  discharge  of  political 
duty  by  direct  participation  in  party 
matters,  there  will  be  no  necessity  to 
resort  to  this  plan  for  they  will  thereby 
regain  the  power  to  select  nominees. 
If  they  fail  to  assume  the  discharge  of 
this  duty,  and,  by  reason  of  such  fail- 
ure, remain  unorganized  and  incap- 
able of  dealing  intelligently  with  details, 
the  plan  under  consideration  can  not 
generally  be  applied  so  as  to  secure 
good  nominations  for  minor  and  local 
offices. 

In  addition  to  this,  whatever  good 
may  be  achieved  by  the  adoption  of 
this    plan     can    only    be     temporary, 


REMEDIES  31 

because  men  will  no  longer  unite  in  the 
course  of  conduct  under  consideration, 
after  the  evils  that  have  called  them 
into  activity  shall  have  been  abated. 

This  plan  has  frequently  been 
adopted  through  conscientious  motives 
and,  within  the  limited  scope  above 
indicated,  has  sometimes  achieved  ad- 
mirable results.  It  is,  nevertheless, 
fraught  with  danger  to  the  state,  and 
is  in  no  case  productive  of  unmixed 
good  to  the  state,  or  to  those  who 
resort  to  it. 

It  is  dangerous  to  the  state  because 
many  must  unite  in  it  at  the  same  time 
in  order  to  make  it  effective,  and  the 
process  of  ranking  a  large  body  of 
party  men  in  opposition  to  the  party 
whose  platform  embodies  their  politi- 
cal principles  involves  such  bitter  and 
long- continued  criticism  of  the  active 
politicians  of  that  party,  such  counter- 
criticism  of  the  politicians  of  the  other 
party,  as  to  shake  public  confidence 
in  politicians  as  a  class,  to  make  promi- 


32        GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

nence  in  public  service  a  mark  of  ob- 
loquy; to  discredit,  without  discrimi- 
nation, the  agencies  of  popular  govern- 
ment; to  discourage  men  of  high 
character  from  entering  the  public  ser- 
vice except  under  conditions  that  can 
seldom  arise;  and  to  bring  popular 
government    itself    into    disrepute. 

It  tends,  moreover,  to  make  office- 
holders independent  of  party  control,  and 
thus  to  substitute  the  rule  of  individuals 
for   government   by   the    people. 

The  plan  v^orks  injury  to  one  who 
adopts  it,  because  it  puts  him  out  of 
touch  with  men  of  influence  in  his  own 
party;  shuts  him  off  from  information 
necessary  to  enable  him  to  form  a  sane 
judgment  in  party  matters;  opens  his 
ears  to  selfish  schemers  and  discredited 
politicians;  results  in  his  voting  for 
candidates  pledged  to  party  principles 
antagonistic  to  those  that  he  entertains; 
and  deprives  him,  as  well  as  his  party, 
of  all  positive  influence  on  his  part  in 
shaping  its  policy. 


REMEDIES  33 

While  the  expedient  under  consid- 
eration has  been  and  will  be  resorted 
to  by  conscientious  party  men  in  grave 
crises  and  for  the  purpose  of  correcting 
abuses  that  may  have  grown  so  rank 
as  to  seem  otherwise  beyond  control, 
it  is  burdened  with  consequences  so 
serious  that  it  cannot,  with  safety,  be 
permanently  adopted  as  a  substitute 
for  the  conscientious  discharge  of  polit- 
ical duty  by  direct  participation  in 
party  matters  by  party  men. 

Another  remedy  suggested  for  ex- 
isting political  evils  consists  of  the  for- 
mation of  independent  bodies  in  local 
politics.  Special  local  conditions  may 
demand  this  course  in  future,  as  they 
have  in  the  past,  but  the  relief  afforded 
can  only  be  local  at  best;  moreover, 
it  can  only  be  temporary,  inasmuch  as 
such  bodies,  when  clothed  with  power, 
must  nominate  candidates  approved 
by  their  leaders,  or  the  fruits  of  victory 
will  be  lost,  and  must,  by  reason  of  so 
doing,    become    substantially   organiza- 


34       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

tions  that  differ  from  the  ordinary 
party  organization  only  in  the  lack  of 
definite  party  principles  and  of  the 
coherence  resulting  from  historic  ties 
and  from  organic  connections  with 
national  and  state  politics. 

The  policy  of  separating  municipal 
from  other  elections  has  many  adher- 
ents. This  plan  promises  good  results 
within  a  limited  scope,  provided  it 
can  be  given  a  fair  trial,  but  its  success 
depends  upon  its  general  approval  by 
active  party  men,  and  there  seems  to 
be  little  likelihood  that  their  approval 
can  be  secured  unless  party  men  of  the 
inactive  class  shall  by  activity  obtain 
an  influence  at  the  anti-primary  caucus 
that  at  the  present  time  they  are  not 
possessed  of. 

Improvement  in  primary  and  elect- 
oral methods  may  better  conditions, 
but  it  cannot  reach  the  root  of  the  evil. 

The  obvious  remedy  for  so  much  of 
the  evils  of  the  time  as  are  attributable 
to    party     disorganization     consists    of 


REMEDIES  35 

retracing  the  steps  that  have  deprived 
the  majority  of  citizens  of  party  initia- 
tive, and  there  is  no  serious  obstacle 
to  the  adoption  of  this  course,  except 
the  indifference  or  unwillingness  of 
those  most  directly  concerned,  or  their 
failure  to  see  these  opportunities.  The 
existing  distrust  of  political  leaders 
extends  to  the  system  of  politics  that 
our  national  institutions  and  character 
have  developed,  and  the  very  existence 
of  political  organizations,  "machines," 
as  they  are  called,  seems  to  be  an  in- 
superable obstacle  to  active  partici- 
pation on  the  part  of  many  citizens 
in  party  matters. 

General  protest  is  made  against  what 
is  termed  "fixing  up  a  slate  by  the  boss" 
before  the  primaries.  Now  the  con- 
siderations that  justify  and,  indeed,  de- 
mand action  by  party  managers  to  insure 
the  presentation  at  primaries  of  candi- 
dates satisfactory  to  dominant  active 
political  forces  are  so  obvious  as  not  to 
deserve    comment,    were    it    not    that 


36       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

criticism  of  this  action  proceeds  from 
those  whose  co-operation  in  part}^  mat- 
ters is  desirable.  It  can  hardly  be 
claimed  that  the  subject  of  presenting 
nominees  should  not  be  considered 
or  provided  for  by  any  one,  before  the 
primaries  take  place.  The  initiative 
in  this  matter  cannot  rest  with  the 
whole  body  of  electors,  for  this  w^ould 
result  either  m  illy  considered  nomina- 
tions or  in  a  primary  w4th  its  antece- 
dent caucus  before  the  final  primary. 

It  may  be  that  the  practice  aban- 
doned in  this  country  after  the  revolu- 
tion, in  use  in  England  in  the  middle 
of  the  last  century  and  now  followed, 
if  at  all,  among  constitutional  nations 
on  the  continent  of  Europe — the  prac- 
tice of  permitting  a  few  prominent 
party  men  to  name  candidates  for 
office — would  meet  w4th  the  approval 
of  some.  But  inasmuch  as  this  func- 
tion is  not  now  performed  by  these  prom- 
inent citizens,  it  would  be  necessary 
to  delegate  it  to  them  in  some  way,  or 


REMEDIES  37 

at  least  pick  out  those  whose  initiative 
would  be  acceptable,  before  the  scheme 
under  consideration  could  get  under 
way;  and  how  can  fitness  to  perform 
this  important  function  be  determined 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  masses.  More- 
over, if  it  be  assumed  that  a  number 
of  prominent  men  can  be  clothed  in 
some  way  with  authority  to  present 
candidates  for  nomination;  if  it  be 
assumed  that  this  board  has  been  duly 
constituted  and  that  it  is  made  up  of  the 
best  and  most  patriotic  members  of  the 
party  concerned  in  community  within 
which  it  is  actino-  and  that  it  can  be 
depended  upon  to  assume  the  duty  of 
presenting  nominees  to  the  primary, 
it  will  be  inconsistent  with  the  theory 
of  practice  of  popular  sovereignty  to 
surrender  into  its  hand  the  exclusive 
power  of  presenting  nominees;  for 
this  would  mean  an  abolition  of  the 
primary  itself.  The  right  of  others 
to  propose  nominations  satisfactory  to 
themselves  would  necessarily  be  reserved. 


3?       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

and  if  the  nominating  board  should 
present  at  the  primaries  in  any  locahty 
a  ticket  representing  the  highest  poHt- 
ical  sagacity  and  pubhc  virtue  it  is 
almost  certain  that  this  ticket  would 
meet  defeat  at  the  hands  of  candidates 
representing  the  average  policy  and 
purposes  of  the  enrolled  voters  at  the 
primary. 

The  plan  is  too  fanciful  to  be  further 
considered.  No  such  board  exists, 
and  no  one  can  be  deprived  of  the  right 
to  present  candidates  for  consideration 
at  the  primaries;  least  of  all  can  those 
be  excluded  who  enjoy  the  confidence 
of  the  majority  of  active  partisans  con- 
cerned in  each  case.  Indeed,  the  trust 
reposed  in  the  organization  by  those 
whom  its  leaders  represent  imposes  on 
them  a  duty  to  anticipate  as  far  as 
possible  the  wishes  of  their  supporters 
with  reference  to  the  selection  of  can- 
didates; and  if,  in  any  case,  this  duty 
should  be  unfaithfully  performed,  the 
confidence  of  the  active  primary  elec- 


REMEDIES  39 

tors  would  be  transferred  to  others.  If 
it  should  not  be  performed  by  existing 
organizations  at  all,  the  effect  would  not 
be  to  eliminate  the  machine  from  party 
politics,  but  to  clear  the  way  for  ambi- 
tious men  to  erect  another  machine 
in  the  place  of  that  surrendering  its 
most  important  function;  to  erect  a 
machine  less  likely  to  faithfully  repre- 
sent the  public  will  than  one  which 
had  derived  its  power  from  political 
success  in  antecedent  party  life. 

There  is  no  conceivable  means,  short 
of  the  overthrow  of  popular  sover- 
eignty, to  destroy  a  power  in  political 
organizations  that  is  solely  derived  from 
the  support  of  a  preponderance  of  active 
political  forces  in  the  locality  concerned; 
and  even  if  this  means  could  be  found, 
it  would  be  foolish  to  destroy  a  power 
that  may  work  for  good,  because  it 
may  also  work  for  evil. 

The  only  effective  check  upon  im- 
proper use  of  the  power  in  question 
lies  in   the  conscientious  discharge   by 


40       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

all  citizens  of  their  duties  as  partisan 
politicians.  It  is  not  accidental  that 
a  political  machine  exists  in  more  or 
less  perfect  development  in  every  local 
governmental  unit  in  this  country,  nor 
is  this  to  be  accounted  for  as  the  result 
of  the  encroachment  of  selfish  polit- 
ical schemers.  The  presentation  to 
primaries  of  candidates  for  office  by 
those  upon  whom  party  action  has  im- 
posed responsibility  for  party  manage- 
ment is  a  logical  development  of  demo- 
cratic principles  inherent  in  popular 
sovereignty.  By  this  practice  alone  can 
continuous  adoption  of  party  policies, 
approved  by  the  majority,  be  secured. 

Conscientious  discharge  of  duty  in 
party  politics  involves,  at  the  thresh- 
old ,  a  choice  between  organization 
and  opposition.  The  aim  of  party  ac- 
tivity being  to  obtain  direct  influence 
in  shaping  party  policy,  it  is  obviously 
advisable  to  co-operate  with  the  or- 
ganization unless  good  cause  appear 
to  the  contrary.     Whether  such  cause 


REMEDIES  41 

exists  will,  in  each  case,  depend  upon 
the  facts  of  that  case. 

The  duties  that,  from  the  nature 
of  the  case,  fall  to  private  citizens  in 
a  republic  may  be  summarized  as 
follows:  To  see  to  it  that  proper  candi- 
dates are  nominated  at  the  prim- 
aries; to  take  part  in  primary  cam- 
paigns and  vote  at  primaries;  to  par- 
ticipate in  campaigns  for  the  election 
of  proper  nominees  by  meeting  with 
other  electors  in  the  public  assem- 
blages protected  by  the  constitution, 
and  by  subscribing  funds  for  neces- 
sary campaign  purposes;  and,  finally, 
to  vote  conscientiously  at  elections.  In 
other  words,  it  falls  to  the  people  of 
a  republic  to  choose  their  public  ser- 
vants, and  to  do  this  they  must  par- 
ticipate in  every  step  of  the  process 
of  choosing  them. 

The  effect  of  failure  to  participate 
in  the  activities  preceding  the  prim- 
aries has  already  been  considered.  Fail- 
ure to  vote  at  the  primaries  is  so  plainly 


42       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

a  neglect  of  public  duty  that  it  needs 
no  comment. 

Failure  to  take  part  in  the  cam- 
paign, by  public  or  private  advocacy 
of  what  each  citizen  deems  advisable, 
deprives  the  people  as  a  whole  of  a 
chance  to  judge  public  questions  from 
all  points  of  view,  and  when  nearly 
all  citizens  except  those  who  have 
private  aims  to  subserve  withdraw  from 
the  active  exercise  of  this  political  func- 
tion, the  duty  of  conducting  campaigns 
devolves  upon  professional  politicians 
who,  by  reason  of  such  withdrawal  and 
of  the  criticism,  just  and  unjust,  ac- 
companying it,  stand  discredited  before 
the  people  and  disqualified  to  perform 
this  duty  effectively. 

Failure  to  subscribe  necessary  cam- 
paign funds  forces  politicians  to  re- 
sort to  interests  that  need  protection, 
or  desire  special  privileges,  in  order  to 
obtain  these  funds,  and  creates  a  recip- 
rocal obligation  on  the  part  of  those 
receiving  funds  from  these  sources,  that 


REMEDIES  43 

grows  Stronger  each  time  the  operation 
is  repeated. 

Failure  to  vote  conscientiously  on 
Election  Day  need  not  be  considered. 

Whoever  refuses  or  neglects  to  per- 
form any  of  these  functions  ceases, 
pro  tanto,  to  take  part  in  governing. 

There  is,  at  this  time  no  divergence 
of  opinion  about  the  legitimate  object 
of  government.  Its  aim  is  to  secure 
the  greatest  good  for  the  greatest 
number.  There  can  be  no  good 
government  unless  it  be  a  gov- 
ernment for  the  people.  The  estab- 
lishment of  a  republic  is  an  avowal 
on  the  part  of  its  founders  that  the  way 
to  get  a  government  for  the  people  is 
to  see  that  the  people  do  the  governing 
themselves.  Government  by  the  peo- 
ple, however,  cannot  be  secured  by 
constitution  or  by  law.  Whether  there 
shall  be,  in  any  time  or  place,  such  a 
government  depends  on  whether  the 
people  there  and  then  are,  as  a  whole, 
willing    to    take    the   trouble  to  partic- 


44       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

ipate  in  the  essential  governmental 
functions  assigned  to  them.  In  no 
true  sense  can  there  be  a  government 
by  the  people  while  the  majority  of  law 
abiding  citizens  who  desire  government 
to  be  conducted  solely  in  the  general 
interest  withdraw  from  the  performance 
of  essential  political  duties. 

The  government  that  results  from 
such  a  withdrawal  —  as  illustrated  by 
the  political  condition  of  the  country 
before  described  —  is  a  government  by 
the  rest  of  the  people.  Those  who  do 
not  participate  in  it  are  subject  to  those 
who  conduct  it  and  must  have  recourse 
to  persuasion,  threats  or  purchase,  in 
order  to  secure  for  themselves  anything 
that  they  may  desire,  in  addition  to 
that  which  may  be  voluntarily  conceded 
to  them. 

The  evils  that  result  from  such  a 
government,  is  that  it  will  be  conducted 
so  much  iu  the  interest  of  such  of  the 
people  as  take  part  in  it,  as  to  work  in- 
jury to  those  who  do  not  take  part  in 


REMEDIES  45 

it,  and  to  secure  the  highest  attainable 
advantage  to  none  of  the  people. 

The  remedy  for  these  evils  does  not 
lie  solely  or  mainly  in  criticism  by  good 
men  or  by  bad  men,  of  the  acts  of  other 
men  ;  or  in  any  expedients  that,  while 
leaving  the  power  to  govern  in  the 
hands  of  a  few,  seeks  to  coerce  those 
vested  with  power  into  making  a  proper 
use  of  it.  It  lies  mainly  in  the  per- 
formance, by  those  who  desire  to  better 
civic  conditions,  of  their  plain  duty  as 
citizens;  to  the  end  that  government  by 
the  people  and  for  the  people,  may  be 
established,  or  restored,  and  main- 
tained. 


Ill 

METHODS 

THE  methods  to  be  adopted  by 
those  who  are  poHtically  inac- 
tive, in  order  to  effectively 
resume  the  performance  of  their 
duties  as  citizens,  must  be 
determined  as  to  details  by  local  con- 
ditions; but  a  general  line  of  policy 
results  from  a  consideration  of  the 
purpose  of  such  resumption. 

This  purpose  is  not  to  secure  the  nom- 
ination of  candidates  who  belong  to 
the  business  class,  or  the  professional 
class,  or  any  special  class,  or  who 
represent  any  special  interests.  It  is 
not  to  deprive  bad  men  of  all  political 
power  or  to  invest  good  men  with  the 
exclusive  exercise  of  such  power;  to 
substitute  an  aristocracy  for  a  democ- 
racy.    The    purpose    under   considera- 

47 


48       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

tion  is  to  reinvest  those  who  have  neg- 
lected  their  political  duty  w^ith  powder 
to  directly  influence  nominations,  so 
that  better  men  may  be  nominated  for 
office  in  all  parties,  and  that  those  w^ho 
obtain  office  may  be  more  independent 
of  harmful  influences  and  may  be 
relied  upon  to  promote  the  general 
Vi^elfare. 

To  accomplish  this  aim,  the  make 
up  and  methods  of  the  average  organ- 
ization w^hich  has  been  described  w^ill 
generally  serve  as  a  model.  Leadership 
is  necessary  in  each  locality,  for  with- 
out it  there  will  never  come  a  time  when 
the  individuals  there  composing  the 
dormant  element  in  any  party  will 
awake  all  at  once  and  become  active. 
Whoever  shall  undertake  the  work 
will  naturally  call  to  his  aid  any  of 
his  neighbors  who  belong  to  his  party 
whom  he  believes  to  be  desirous  of 
improved  political  conditions.  These 
men  will  form  a  group  whose  aim  will  be 
to    obtain    influence    among    their    fel- 


METHODS  49 

low-citizens  in  the  election  district  in 
which  they  reside. 

Meetings  may  be  held  to  attract 
attention  and  to  awaken  interest,  but 
this  is  not  essential,  and  may  involve 
risk. 

Effective  work  must  be  done  by  reach- 
ing electors  individually  in  their  homes 
or  places  of  business  or  elsewhere. 
Through  this  work  practical  politicians 
obtain  their  influence,  and  it  can  be 
performed  by  a  comparatively  small 
number  of  workers  in  each  district. 
After  forming  a  working  group  in  one 
election  district,  public  spirited  men 
may  be  induced,  in  other  districts, 
to  form  similar  groups,  until  the  city 
is  covered. 

Possibly  a  city  group  or  committee 
may  come  into  use  before  the  work 
has  proceeded  very  far.  If  a  working 
body  shall  be  formed,  no  member  of 
the  party  can  properly  be  excluded; 
but  responsible  places  will  be  filled 
exclusively    by    those    who    have    good 


50       GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PEOPLE 

government  at  heart,  and  it  will  greatly 
facilitate  the  work  if,  when  possible, 
the  local  party  leader  is  made  to  under- 
stand that  the  object  of  the  movement 
is  not  to  drive  any  party  men  out  of 
the  party  or  to  put  a  new  set  of  men 
in  office  or  to  set  up  a  new  organization, 
but  to  support  the  existing  organiza- 
tion in  what  is  right  and  to  oppose  it 
at  the  primaries  only  and  always  in 
case  it  (after  conference)  refuses  to 
support  fit  men  for  nominees. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  method 
of  practical  politicians  would  serve  as 
a  model.  Perhaps  it  would  be  more 
illuminating  to  suggest  that  the  sub- 
ject should  have  applied  to  it  the  same 
consideration  and  practical  good  sense 
and  good  temper  that  must  be  applied 
to  anybusiness  project  in  order  to  succeed 
in  it. 

[the  end] 


UCSOUTHEH!iH[l,lunALLIbHAH 


AA    000  951  595 


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